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A senior U.S. State Department official from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) is set to visit South Korea to discuss the human rights situation of foreign workers with civic groups.

As the United States has identified South Korea’s “forced labor” issues as one of its non-tariff trade barriers, concerns are growing that labor conditions in industries heavily reliant on foreign workers — particularly agriculture and fisheries — could evolve into a trade risk.

According to civic groups and related sources on the 18th, Riley M. Barnes, Deputy Assistant Secretary at the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, plans to visit South Korea in early June. During the visit, Barnes is scheduled to hold a closed-door meeting at the U.S. Embassy in Seoul with Korean civil society organizations dealing with foreign worker human rights issues.

The meeting is expected to focus particularly on the treatment of foreign fishing crew members and seasonal migrant workers. Barnes is also reportedly expected to hear opinions on whether the South Korean government is adequately monitoring potential forced labor involving foreign workers.

Civic organizations are expected to raise issues long reported in fisheries sectors such as seaweed and oyster farming, including excessive working hours, unpaid wages, poor housing conditions, and restrictions on worker movement.

A representative from a foreign worker rights organization stated, “Working-level teams dealing with migrant labor issues have held discussions before, but this is the first time a deputy assistant secretary has personally visited Korea to hear these concerns.” The representative added, “In particular, the U.S. tends to view the use of undocumented foreign labor in Korea as linked to illegal production practices or unfair competition.”

Human rights issues involving foreign workers in South Korea have recently emerged as a trade issue between Seoul and Washington as well.

In April last year, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), under the Department of Homeland Security, banned imports of salt produced at a salt farm in Sinan County, South Jeolla Province, citing forced labor concerns. It became one of the most notable cases in which a South Korean product was barred from entering the U.S. due to allegations of forced labor.

CBP can issue a Withhold Release Order (WRO) blocking imports if it determines that forced labor or human rights abuses exist anywhere in a product’s production or supply chain. Excessive overtime, wage exploitation, movement restrictions, and poor housing conditions at workplaces employing large numbers of foreign workers may be regarded as indicators of forced labor.

The Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) also mentioned South Korea’s forced labor issue in this year’s National Trade Estimate (NTE) Report as a form of non-tariff trade barrier.

The report stated, “South Korea does not have regulations prohibiting the importation of goods produced through forced or compulsory labor,” adding that such conditions “may artificially suppress labor costs and provide unfair advantages to certain goods or services produced in or exported from Korea.”

Barnes is regarded as a key official overseeing human rights and labor policy within the U.S. State Department. Since February, Barnes has also served as the U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. After Secretary of State Marco Rubio appointed Barnes to the Tibet role, the Chinese government criticized the move as “interference in internal affairs.”

As foreign worker human rights issues increasingly fall under U.S. trade scrutiny, industries highly dependent on migrant labor — including seaweed and oyster farming — are expected to face growing pressure. If the U.S. determines that forced labor is involved in the production process of specific goods, import restrictions similar to the Sinan salt case could follow.

Last year, U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order aimed at strengthening the competitiveness of the American seafood industry. The order directed authorities to investigate illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing activities, as well as foreign forced labor trade practices in major seafood-exporting countries.

Homeplus workers began an indefinite hunger strike on the 14th. It is already their fourth hunger strike. Although Homeplus had promised reassignment opportunities after closing some stores, workers say they were informed of layoffs just one day after the shutdowns. With the company now undergoing court-led rehabilitation proceedings, workers have resorted to hunger strikes and full-body prostrations to appeal the urgency of their situation.

On one side, there is a fierce tug-of-war over performance bonuses worth hundreds of millions of won per person. On the other, there are workers struggling to survive on monthly living expenses of just 1.3 million won. It feels like an absurd drama unfolding simultaneously in the same society. As we enter the age of artificial intelligence, one wonders how many more “Homeplus situations” we will witness. Instead of invoking emergency mediation powers, could the government not invoke some form of emergency relief authority? The thought lingers.

As negotiations between Samsung Electronics management and labor remained deadlocked, Chairman Lee Jae-yong stepped in. On the 16th, Lee apologized to customers and the public, then appealed to employees and the union by saying, “We are one body, one family.” It is fortunate that labor and management agreed to return to the negotiating table after his remarks. Yet it is difficult to see how the employees’ desire to “earn enough bonuses to buy a home in Seoul” can truly meet management’s appeal to “do our best out of pride as members of the Samsung family.”

The behavior of Samsung’s union differs from the traditional grammar of labor unions and labor movements. Why is that? The cross-company union currently leading the strike defined itself from the beginning as an independent, pragmatic union opposed to political struggles and major labor federations. Membership grew from 6,000 at its founding to 70,000 in just over a year, making it the company’s largest union with more than half of all unionized workers.

The union’s rapid expansion was largely driven by the enormous bonuses paid at rival company SK Hynix. The organizing logic became: “We cannot receive less than our competitors,” and “Let’s gather under the pragmatic union first and build our strength.” Because the organization was hastily built around the shared interest of “maximum compensation,” it has proven vulnerable to internal conflicts of interest. As demands for bonuses became concentrated around the semiconductor division, workers in non-semiconductor sectors such as home appliances began leaving the union, while conflicts intensified between senior and junior employees over differentiated compensation.

The head of the union calmly remarked that strike-related losses could amount to “roughly 30 trillion won” when accounting for equipment backup and related disruptions. The statement emphasized the legality of the strike while appearing unconcerned with the company’s future.

If solidarity is lacking even internally, it is difficult to expect broader public sympathy. One official from a higher-level labor federation involved in the union’s founding remarked that the organization “is merely an interest group and difficult to regard as a labor union or labor movement.” To them, unions appear less like collective solidarity organizations for workers and more like legal representatives for pursuing economic interests.

This is why some interpret the Samsung strike as the extreme outcome of enterprise-based collective bargaining structures that have long pushed large Korean unions toward economic unionism. Beyond Samsung and SK Hynix, demands tying compensation directly to a percentage of operating profits are rapidly spreading across other manufacturing conglomerates. This is a challenge confronting not only organized labor, but also government and corporations alike during this period of transition.

Debates over the extraordinary profits generated by the AI industry and how they should be socially shared have also become urgent. Chairman Lee apologized to the public, but made no mention of broader social responsibility. Whether meaningful action follows his apology remains uncertain. This is not something that should be left to the goodwill of corporations, unions, or shareholders alone. Society must openly deliberate and seek solutions together.

Recently, Presidential Chief of Staff for Policy Kim Yong-beom proposed redesigning how excess tax revenues generated by the AI boom are used. The issue should not stop at merely having enough budget without borrowing additional debt. Kim’s proposal touches on something deeper. Legally, excess tax revenues already have designated uses. Instead of distributing them as one-time spending, he suggested opening a broad public debate over where and how they should be invested. That could become a meaningful starting point for public discussion.

Ultimately, the most straightforward solution is fair taxation. Korea’s tax system has historically been relatively weak in redistributing corporate profits back into society. Taxes proportional to profits are among the most rational and equitable mechanisms for social sharing. Because this is not about distributing pain but about distributing opportunity, the barriers to consensus may be lower than expected.

For example, society could begin by defining what qualifies as “excess profit.” More than twenty European countries have already institutionalized standards for excess corporate profits following public debate, and use the resulting tax revenues as long-term national assets to fund future policy priorities.

No one knows how long semiconductor monopolies and excess profits in the AI era will continue. But it is clear that this may be a rare opportunity to mitigate population decline and slowing economic growth, while increasing future investment and strengthening social safety nets. For any responsible government, that possibility should make the heart pound.

U.S. President Donald Trump reportedly said on the 17th, “North Korean leader Kim Jong-un likes me. If possible, I would like to meet Chairman Kim.”

According to a senior South Korean government official on the 18th, Trump made the remark during a phone call the previous day with President Lee Jae-myung while discussing his long-standing personal relationship with Kim Jong-un. However, regarding the possibility of another U.S.–North Korea summit, Trump reportedly said that “it is not easy to engage in dialogue with North Korea at the moment.”

The official also said that Trump mentioned that “China also seems to have significant concerns about North Korea’s nuclear weapons issue.”

Senior Presidential Spokesperson Kang Yu-jung stated in a written briefing the previous day that “President Lee positively evaluated the constructive discussions between President Trump and President Xi Jinping regarding issues on the Korean Peninsula.” She added that Trump said he would “continue to play the necessary role and make contributions toward peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula based on close coordination between the leaders of South Korea and the United States.”

Trump also reportedly told Lee, “I know that you are a strongman. I also know that you are very popular.”

People Power Party candidate and current Seoul mayor Oh Se-hoon announced on the 17th at his campaign office in Jongno District that he would introduce a housing program called “Seoul My Home,” under which homeless young people would only need to pay 20% of a home’s price while the public sector would cover the remaining 80%.
Under the proposal, homeless young adults aged 19 to 39 could choose any home in Seoul priced below the city’s median housing price of 1.2 billion won and apply for the program. The Seoul Housing & Communities Corporation (SH) would then purchase the property.
The young buyer would pay only 20% of the purchase price, while SH would pay the remaining 80%.
Although the buyer would own a 20% share of the home and SH would retain 80%, the young resident would still have full authority over decisions related to buying and selling the property. If the home is sold, the resident would receive profits proportional to their ownership share based on the market price. However, renting the property out to tenants would not be allowed.
Oh explained that funding for the program would come from a “Youth Asset Development Fund,” financed through public contribution fees generated during urban planning and development approval processes.
Oh added that introducing 8,000 “Seoul My Home” units would bring the total supply of his “Five Types of Seoul Opportunity Housing” to 82,000 units when combined with existing or previously announced programs. These include:

- “Miri-nae Homes” (20,000 units), long-term jeonse housing for newlyweds

- “Youth Safe Housing” near subway stations (20,000 units)

- “Sprout One-Rooms” for university freshmen (10,000 units)

- “Right Away My Home” starter housing offered at half-price terms (600 units).

Oh stated, “A city where young people’s assets grow alongside Seoul’s growth is the true meaning of urban development,” adding, “Seoul will become the first city to create a system where development profits flow not into the pockets of a few, but into the assets of future generations.”

I’ve have running a campaign set in the classic D&D setting Al-Qadim, and lost few players because of lack of interest.

For those unfamiliar, Al-Qadim is an Arabian Nights–inspired fantasy setting featuring desert cities, genie magic, merchant caravans, ancient ruins, and political intrigue.

I’m running the game using the original AD&D 2e system, without converting it to a modern ruleset. I’m running one of the published Al-Qadim adventures.

Since I’m still new to both the setting and the system, I’m hoping to find players who would enjoy learning the game together and exploring the setting as a group. The goal is to have fun experiencing one of the classic TTRPG settings in its original form.

Would anyone here be interested in joining something like this?

Samsung Electronics and its labor union will resume government-led mediation talks Monday, just three days ahead of a major planned strike, company and union officials said Saturday.
The session will take place at the National Labor Relations Commission's office in Sejong, about 110 kilometers south of Seoul, after earlier mediation talks broke down Wednesday.
The company's largest labor union plans to begin the 18-day strike next Thursday, which could disrupt production at the world's largest memory chipmaker. The union has said over 46,000 of its members have expressed willingness to join the strike.

U.S. President Donald Trump suggested that the United States could move forward with arms sales to Taiwan, calling them “a very good bargaining chip.” Coming shortly after a U.S.–China summit, the remarks are being interpreted as a sign that he intends to use Taiwan as leverage in follow-up negotiations with China.

After completing a state visit to Beijing, Trump said in an interview with Fox News anchor Bret Baier broadcast on the 15th (U.S. local time) that he had “not yet approved” additional arms sales to Taiwan. When asked whether he would authorize them, he replied, “I might approve them, or I might not.” He added, “We are holding it back for now, and it depends on China,” calling the issue “a very good bargaining chip for us.” He noted that the package, worth around $12 billion (approximately 17.9 trillion won), represented “a lot of weapons.”

Trump also remarked, “If you look at the situation, China is a very powerful country, and that (Taiwan) is a very small island.” He pointed out that Taiwan is only about 59 miles (95 km) from mainland China, while the United States is about 9,500 miles (15,000 km) away.

While emphasizing that he prefers maintaining the “status quo” regarding Taiwan and does not want war, Trump said, “I don’t want a situation where someone says, ‘The United States is backing us, so let’s declare independence.’” The comment is being interpreted as a message distancing himself from Taiwan’s independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party government. He continued, “I think they (China) won’t do anything while I’m president, but honestly, after I’m gone, they might.”

Trump also said, “I’d like all the semiconductor manufacturers in Taiwan to come to the United States,” adding that “because the situation is urgent, that would be a great thing.” He argued that Taiwan had been able to develop its semiconductor industry because previous U.S. administrations failed to impose tariffs on the sector, and claimed, “They (Taiwan) stole our semiconductor industry for many years.” The remarks are seen as pressure on Taiwan to increase investment in the U.S., given Taipei’s strong need for American support against China.

Trump further stated that by the end of his term, he hopes 40–50% of the global semiconductor industry will be located in the United States.

However, Trump stressed that there has been no change in U.S. policy toward Taiwan. He said, “I do not want a situation where someone declares independence and we have to travel 9,500 miles to fight a war,” again urging restraint from Taiwan.

New focus on Greenland since Donald Trump declared his aim to seize it could help boost investment there, with Arctic tourism likely to pay ‌off faster than ambitious future plans to mine for minerals, the head of Denmark's export credit agency said.
The governments of Greenland and Denmark have rejected Trump's repeated demands that the self-governing Danish territory become part of the United States. But since Trump's designs thrust Greenland into the headlines, there has been a surge of interest in doing business there.

Global carmakers urged to reduce US reliance