Malaysia's fallout with Norway over a cancelled missile deal deepened yesterday after Oslo confirmed it had revoked export licences tied to the Naval Strike Missile (NSM) system, citing tighter restrictions on some of its most sensitive defence technologies amid a shifting global security landscape.

The confirmation comes amid Putrajaya's bid to contain the repercussions of the sudden setback, which has cast uncertainty over the Royal Malaysian Navy's Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) programme and raised questions about the reliability of European defence suppliers.

In a response to the New Straits Times, Norway's Foreign Ministry said the revocation was linked to stricter export control regulations that now limit certain advanced Norwegian-developed defence technologies to the country's allies and "closest partners".

"The Ministry of Foreign Affairs can confirm that certain licences related to the export of specific defence technology to Malaysia have been revoked.

"This is solely due to Norway's application of the export control regulations, and it is regrettable that this affects Malaysia," the spokesperson said.

The ministry, however, declined"The duty of confidentiality under the Export Control Act is strict. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is therefore unable to comment on individual cases," the spokesperson added.

Norway said its approach was shaped by evolving security conditions in Europe and around the world, prompting the government to strengthen oversight on domestically developed defence technologies.

"The security policy landscape in Europe and globally has changed significantly in recent years. The government has therefore, over time, worked to strengthen controls on defence technology developed in Norway.

"Exports of some of the most sensitive Norwegian-developed defence technologies will be limited to our allies and closest partners," the spokesperson said.

Norway nevertheless stressed that it valued bilateral relations with Malaysia and hoped engagement between both countries would continue.

"Norway greatly values its relationship with Malaysia and looks forward to continued cooperation and constructive dialogue with the Malaysian authorities," the spokesperson said.

The Norwegian Foreign Ministry's statement corroborates Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin's sombre assessment of the situation.

Khaled said there has yet to be any positive indication that the Norwegian government will go back on its decision.

"So far negative," he told the New Straits Times yesterday when asked if there had been any early signs Malaysia would still receive the missiles as contracted.

Khaled had the same reply to a question on a refund of the sum already paid to the NSM system's developer, Kongsberg Defence and Aerospace (KDA), should delivery be unable to proceed.

He said the first indication of issues with the NSM procurement emerged when the delivery was not fulfilled in March.

Khaled had, in a press conference earlier, said that his ministry had formed a special committee to assess the full scope of legal action against KDA.

He said the move was made as the government had already paid nearly 95 per cent of the total contract value, amounting to more than RM500 million.

Khaled also added that they are now exploring alternatives to the NSM system, with a separate committee currently studying the matter.

Previously, Khaled said he would meet his Norwegian counterpart in Singapore later this month to seek clarification over Norway's sudden decision to block the export licence for the NSM to Malaysia.

The meeting, he said, would also be used to express Malaysia's disappointment and surprise over the cancellation of the delivery just days before the scheduled date in March.

Yesterday, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said he had conveyed Malaysia's "vehement objection" during a telephone conversation with Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre over the decision to revoke the export licence for the NSM system and associated launcher systems.

Anwar had described the move as "unilateral and unacceptable", warning that it would have "grave consequences" for Malaysia's defence operational readiness and the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) modernisation programme.

He also questioned the reliability of European defence suppliers if signed defence contracts could be withdrawn unilaterally. to comment further on the case, citing legal restrictions under Norway's Export Control Act.

Malaysia is “very disappointed” with the Norwegian government after it allegedly refused to issue an export permit for missiles already contracted by Malaysia, Communications Minister Fahmi Fadzil said today.

Fahmi said the matter had been raised by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim during discussions with his Norwegian counterpart, and described the move as unacceptable.

“The Malaysian government is very disappointed with the actions of the Norwegian government, which did not approve the export permit for the delivery of missiles,” he said after the weekly Cabinet meeting.

According to Fahmi, the defence contract has been in place since 2018, and payments have been made according to schedule.

He said the permit refusal came at the “last minute”, preventing the Norwegian company involved from completing the delivery.

Fahmi said Putrajaya is now pursuing diplomatic channels while also studying possible legal action.

“The Malaysian government cannot accept the excuses given by the Norwegian government.

Diplomatic efforts are underway, while the Malaysian government is also considering the appropriate legal procedures.

“The planning and implementation of national defence strategy is of strategic importance and cannot be compromised under any circumstances,” he said.

When asked whether compensation would be sought, Fahmi said the matter remains under review from both diplomatic and legal angles.

He stressed that the dispute involves the Norwegian government’s export approval process rather than the company itself.

Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin said yesterday that Malaysia was “shocked” after Norway halted delivery of missiles ordered in 2018 for the Royal Malaysian Navy’s Littoral Combat Ships (LCS).

He said the missiles, scheduled for delivery in March this year, were blocked after the Norwegian government refused to approve the export licence just days before shipment.

Khaled said the missiles were intended for the LCS fleet as well as the naval vessels KD Jebat and KD Lekiu.

On Saturday*, Bernama* reported that Norwegian defence manufacturer Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS (KDA) clarified that export licensing decisions regarding the supply of the Naval Strike Missile (NSM) for the LCS were handled entirely by Norwegian authorities.

KDA spokesman Ivar Simensen said the company operates in strict accordance with legal frameworks established by the Norwegian government.

The Norwegian Foreign Affairs Ministry was reported to have revoked certain export licences related to specific technologies, citing stricter export controls.

According to KDA’s website, procurement of the NSM was formalised between the Royal Malaysian Navy and KDA in April 2018 in a deal worth €124 million (RM571.9 million) to equip six new LCS vessels.

The missile is capable of long-range maritime strikes at high subsonic speeds, with a range exceeding 300km.

According to Reuters reports that cite government documents, the 41-year-old vessel no longer meets current operational requirements of the Italian Navy due to structural wear and the obsolescence of onboard systems.

Maintaining the 14,100-tonne ship in port was estimated to cost around €5 million (US$5.9 million) in 2025 alone, while scrapping it would require approximately €19 million.

Rome is now seeking to complete the transfer of this carrier to Indonesia by December this year.

Beyond cost savings, the move aligns with Italy’s broader defence engagement with Indonesia, including ongoing efforts to secure deals reportedly worth up to €1.5 billion covering submarines and aircraft.

This follows Jakarta’s acquisition of two Thaon di Revel-class offshore patrol vessels, and its reported selection of the Leonardo M-346F Block 20 aircraft for advanced jet training and light attack roles.

If completed, the transfer of the aircraft carrier would make Indonesia only the second navy in Southeast Asia to operate a fixed-wing-capable “flat deck” platform. The first such carrier in the region was Thailand’s HTMS Chakri Naruebet, which was procured new from Spain along with AV-8S Matador jump jets.

The Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) is yet to outline detailed plans for the vessel’s modernisation, but it has indicated it is likely to be used primarily for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations, rather than as a frontline combat carrier.

Separately, the TNI-AL conducted a sinking exercise on 23 April using the decommissioned Frosch-class landing ship tank KRI Teluk Hading as a target. The exercise involved several frontline surface combatants, including the recently acquired Italian-built OPVs KRI Brawijaya and KRI Prabu Siliwangi.

The target vessel was ultimately destroyed by an MM40 Block 3 Exocet anti-ship missile fired from the SIGMA 10514-class frigate KRI I Gusti Ngurah Rai.

Cendana Auto and Mildef hope to provide infantry section vehicles (ISV) to the Malaysian Army, whilst Weststar is targeting potential requirements for vehicles to conduct border patrols.

Two years ago, at DSA 2024, Cendana unveiled its Vextor 4×4, a four-person tactical vehicle to meet the requirements for both Malaysian Army reconnaissance and infantry section transport. The Malaysian Army indicated it was looking for a single 4×4 type to serve both roles in standard infantry battalions, with two vehicles assigned to each eight-man section.

Malaysian infantry battalions currently do not have tactical vehicles assigned to their infantry sections, leading to a disconnect in mobility between them and the rest of the battalion, which includes mortar and support weapon elements that have their own dedicated vehicles. Instead, infantry only have trucks from the battalion’s transport section, and these are not suited for tactical movement.

The quantity listed was 22 Bell 505s, with a maximum sale price of US$150 million.

For this monetary figure, the package would include spare main and tail rotor blades, an integrated logistics support for a period of five years, and training for 22 pilots, 22 maintainers for its Safran engine, and six maintenance officers.

The potential sale would also include Veris flight simulators for the Bell 505 from TRU Simulation (a subsidiary of Bell Textron), as well as ground support equipment for two operating bases in the Philippines. The aim is for the Philippine military to operate 22 rotary-winged aircraft for up to 200 hours per year for a duration of five years.

The DSCA explained: “The proposed sale will improve the Philippines’ capability to meet current and future threats by addressing aircraft competency gaps in operating rotary-wing aircraft as part of an upgraded Bell 505 Jet Ranger X helicopter modern aircraft equipped with advanced systems and thereby enhancing comprehensive training.”

It continued, “This enhanced capability will facilitate the smooth transition for pilots to more complex rotary aircraft within the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and it is a cost-effective solution for developing rotary-wing pilots.”

Bell Textron was listed as the principal contractor in the DSCA notification.

It is unclear from the announcement which armed service would train on the 505 fleet, but it would definitely include the Philippine Air Force (PAF). The latter operates a sizeable fleet of S-70i Black Hawks, for example, and pilot training takes place at a CAE facility in nearby Brunei. The PAF does not currently possess a dedicated training helicopter.

The Philippine Navy also flies Leonardo AW159 and AW109 helicopters, and it currently uses several Robinson R44s for training. The Philippine Army has only a handful of helicopters.

Of interest, Bell was touting the military training credentials of the 505 at this year’s Singapore Airshow, with the Republic of Singapore Air Force currently seeking a new training platform too.

South Korea’s military operates a fleet of 40 505s, plus the Indonesian Navy trains helicopter pilots on the type too.

Myanmar claimed on Monday that “discriminatory measures” are shutting it out of the Asean bloc after a summit last week saw the organisation continue to blacklist the country’s post-coup leadership.

The 11-country Association of Southeast Asian Nations has shunned Myanmar from summits since the military in 2021 deposed the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and detained the democratic figurehead, triggering a civil war.

After five years of martial rule, the junta staged a tightly restricted election excluding Suu Kyi’s party that last month resulted in putsch-leading military chief Min Aung Hlaing taking over as civilian president.

At an Asean summit in the Philippines last week, the hosting country’s president Ferdinand Marcos complained there had not been “any progress in Myanmar”.

Myanmar’s foreign ministry, in a statement, claimed that on the contrary, “positive developments taking place in Myanmar have been well recognised by the majority of Asean Member States”.

“However, it is observed that a few Member States continue to maintain restrictions, discriminatory measures, and the exclusion of the Myanmar Government from equal representation.”

Asean is suffering from a fraying consensus over Myanmar, analysts say, with frustration growing over a lack of progress on the bloc’s peace plan to end the nation’s civil war.

Some countries, such as neighbouring Thailand, congratulated Myanmar’s coup-leader-turned-president Min Aung Hlaing when he was sworn in, pledging to make efforts to stabilise their shared border.

Others have remained aloof about Min Aung Hlaing’s inauguration following an election widely criticised by democracy monitors for cracking down on dissent and not including opposition parties and voters in rebel-held territories.

The 504th Territorial Army Regiment camp in Bukit Keteri, Perlis, has become the third location for the National Service Training Programme (PLKN) 3.0 scheduled from July 11 to Aug 24.

The 515th Territorial Army Regiment camp in Kuala Lumpur and the 505th Territorial Army Regiment camp in Pekan, Pahang, are the two existing locations, reported Bernama.

The national service training department (JLKN) said prospective trainees born in 2008 can check their status via the ePLKN 3.0 system from 3pm today.

“To ensure smooth registration and administration, selected trainees must confirm their attendance through the ePLKN 3.0 system by June 19, the deadline for acceptance.

“Attendance is mandatory. Failure to report without a valid reason may be deemed disobedience of orders, and action may be taken under Section 18(1) of the National Service Training Act 2003,” the department said.

JLKN said the Bukit Keteri camp is expected to be fully completed this year and will be able to accommodate nearly 500 trainees at any given time.

“The facility’s accommodation blocks, basic infrastructure, and training amenities have been upgraded to strengthen PLKN 3.0 as a platform for fostering identity and patriotism among the youth,” it said.

JLKN added that announcements for subsequent training series will be made in stages.

Home to around 700 million people, Southeast Asia has been one of the regions most affected by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

The United States has spent years building security ties across Southeast Asia without expanding its alliance system. The logic is straightforward: widen America’s regional footprint without forcing formal alignment.t.

On paper, the new defense partnership with Indonesia, outlined in the Pentagon’s readout, looks like another success. 

In practice, it is better read as a stress test of that strategy. It exposes the limits of building influence through cooperation alone, especially when Washington seeks deeper strategic access from states that are willing to cooperate but unwilling to align.

Many Southeast Asian states want US security support, but not alliance obligations. They want flexibility without entrapment, cooperation without visible alignment. 

That is why the approach has worked relatively well in places like Singapore, where US forces operate through long-established facilities and institutional arrangements.

In such cases, cooperation has matured into something operationally reliable. But that success is context-specific.

Indonesia as the Limit Case

Indonesia is a different category of partner. It is larger, more politically independent, and shaped by its longstanding bebas-aktif (independent and active) foreign policy tradition, which prioritizes strategic autonomy and calibrated engagement over alignment. 

That doctrine is not rhetorical. It sets real limits on how far defense cooperation can extend. 

As reported by Reuters, even discussions around expanded overflight access triggered concern in Jakarta over sovereignty and perceptions of alignment with the United States against China. That reaction is not about a single proposal. It reflects a broader boundary that defines the relationship.

The agreement itself reflects those limits. The framework focuses on modernization, training, exercises, and maritime cooperation. That is meaningful, but also revealing: cooperation designed to stop short of integration.

Washington has become effective at building partnerships that are politically sustainable for non-aligned states. It has been less successful at turning those partnerships into deeper strategic access where it matters most.

Turkish defense firm Baykar Technologies has signed its first export agreement for the Bayraktar Kizilelma combat drone with Indonesia, with deliveries set to begin in 2028.

Announced during a defense exhibition in Istanbul with Jakarta’s state enterprise Republikorp, the deal covers an initial fleet of 12 drones and includes options for up to 48 additional platforms in future orders.

The contract also includes plans to establish production, sustainment, and support hubs in the Southeast Asian country, supporting larger industrial cooperation between Turkey and Indonesia.

The nations have recently expanded defense ties through separate agreements covering TB3 and Akinci drones, the Kaan fifth-generation fighter jet, and Istif-class frigates. 

Kepong MP Lim Lip Eng has called on defence minister Khaled Nordin to provide a detailed explanation in Parliament about how Norway’s move to ban the delivery of missiles to Malaysia will affect the littoral combat ship (LCS) project.

The defence ministry has a contract with Norwegian company Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS to obtain naval strike missiles (NSMs) for the navy’s LCS project, but new Norwegian legislation on arms deals forbids the delivery of advanced weapons to non-Nato countries, according to defence news portal Malaysian Defence.

In a statement yesterday, Khaled said the Malaysian government would engage with its Norwegian counterparts to obtain an explanation and discuss the appropriate measures.

FULL STORY: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/05/08/khaled-told-to-explain-how-norway-ban-on-missiles-will-affect-malaysia

The leaders of Thailand and Cambodia agreed on Thursday to pursue trust-building measures to advance a fragile ceasefire and establish peace, after rare talks over last year’s deadly fighting between the two neighbours.

Troops remain deployed ‌on both sides of their long-disputed 817km (508-mile) border after battles in July and December when skirmishes quickly escalated into air strikes and heavy exchanges of artillery and rockets.

The Philippines, which is hosting Asean meetings on the island of Cebu, arranged the talks between Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thai counterpart Anutin Charnvirakul, after months without engagement.

Thailand’s government on Tuesday terminated a 2001 Memorandum of Understanding with Cambodia that was meant to provide a bilateral framework for resolving overlapping maritime territorial claims.

Cambodia said it regretted the Thai Cabinet’s decision but would continue trying to resolve the issue.

The two governments signed the agreement to peacefully pursue maritime boundary delimitation and provide a framework for jointly managing marine resources in accordance with international law. But they failed to make any progress after five rounds of talks over the past two decades.

The decision to terminate, which does not legally take effect until Thailand sends a formal notification letter to Cambodia, ended hopes in both countries that resolving the competing claims would allow exploitation of offshore oil and gas resources in the disputed area.

Thailand’s decision to abrogate the agreement comes after a sharp deterioration of relations and armed combat with Cambodia last year. The countries fought over competing claims to territory along the land border in July and December. Several dozen civilians and soldiers on both sides were killed and hundreds of thousands of people displaced.

The U.S. Army Pacific’s 1st Multi-Domain Task Force and the Philippine Army Artillery Regiment have test-fired a Tomahawk cruise missile from the Typhon launcher in the central Philippines — and it successfully hit a target around 600 kilometers away in Nueva Ecija.

Col. Dennis Hernandez of the Philippine Marines told Defense News the cruise missile was launched at around 12:10 a.m local time on May 5 and landed at the impact area within Fort Magsaysay, the Army’s main battle camp, in Laur, Nueva Ecija, roughly an hour later.

“The missile was very precise. Let’s say if you want to hit a window from a far distance, it lands directly into that window,” Hernandez said. “This skimming missile traveled all the way from Tacloban to the target in Laur.”

Exercise officials meant for the Tomahawk missile to support ground troops in a night land maneuver exercise led by the 25th Infantry Division in Fort Magsaysay, part of the ongoing Balikatan annual joint drills between American and Filipino troops.

Malaysia says it will “seek further clarifications” from Norway surrounding an order for Naval Strike Missiles (NSM) after reports emerged that Oslo is reneging on a defense exports approval — likely signaling cancellation of the deal.

Malaysian Defense Minister Mohamed Khaled Nordin said in a statement published on social media today that he had taken note of reports claiming the procurement is facing a supply issue along with Norway’s apparent change of heart.

In light of the reports, “Malaysia will use diplomatic channels with the Government of Norway to seek further clarifications and find the best solution in the interest of the country,” he said. Nordin did not mention if Kuala Lumpur will seek to recoup any payments made to Kongsberg or if alternative weapons are to be assessed as a possible NSM replacement.

“Norwegian authorities have concluded to revoke certain export licenses related to specific technologies. This change is due to Norway’s stricter controls of certain technologies,” a spokesperson for Norway’s ministry of foreign affairs told Breaking Defense on May 7.

“Norway greatly values its strong relationship with Malaysia, and we look forward to continued cooperation and our constructive dialogue with the Malaysian authorities.”

Malaysia and Kongsberg signed a deal in 2018 for supply of an undisclosed number of NSM weapons to equip six new Royal Malaysian Navy Littoral Combat Ships (LCS).

The “Ministry of Defense remains committed to ensuring the country’s defense readiness is unaffected and maintaining good bilateral relations” with Norway, he added.

The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Norway’s Ministry of Defense and Kongsberg all did not respond to a request for comment by press time.

Should the cancellation go ahead, it would deal a fresh blow to Malaysia’s LCS program, leaving the navy in need of a new primary anti-ship missile at a time when the country’s lead ship, LCS 1 Maharaja Lela, has started sea trials after years of delay.

According to Kongsberg company literature [PDF] NSM offers “high survivability against all enemy soft and hard kill defence systems,” and is designed specifically to destroy air and land based targets out to a range beyond 300km (186 miles). It can also travel at high supersonic speed and weighs 407kg (just under 900 pounds).

Japan’s defence minister is touring Southeast Asia this week with what analysts describe as a clear, if diplomatically understated, mission: turning Indonesia and the Philippines into harder targets for Chinese maritime ambition.

Shinjiro Koizumi landed in Jakarta on Monday to sign a defence cooperation pact with his Indonesian counterpart Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, coming hot on the heels of Tokyo’s landmark decision to lift a decades-old ban on the export of lethal weapons last month.

He heads next to the Philippines, where Japanese forces are currently training alongside US troops in the annual Balikatan military exercise.

Japan’s policy reversal on arms exports now permits weapons transfers to 17 defence partners, in a substantial break from its post-World War II pacifist doctrine.

Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi traveled to the Philippines on Tuesday to witness an international combat drill and conduct talks with Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. intended to broaden defense ties between the nations, officials said.

Koizumi’s meeting in the capital Manila with Marcos and Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr. may include discussion of a possible transfer of used Japanese destroyers to the Philippines.

The Philippines and Japan, both treaty allies of the United States, signed a pact in 2024 allowing their forces to stage large-scale combat drills. The Reciprocal Access Agreement paved the way for Japan to deploy 1,400 military personnel to become regular participants in the exercises called Balikatan.

U.S., Filipino and other allied forces annually take part in Balikatan, the Tagalog word for shoulder-to-shoulder, to brace for security contingencies and deter China’s increasing assertiveness in the region.

On April 28, 2026, Lt. Gen. Xaychai Kommasith, Deputy Minister of National Defense and Director General Staff Department (GSD), led a high-level military delegation on an official visit to the Kingdom of Thailand at the invitation of the Royal Thai Army. The visit aims to further strengthen longstanding friendly relations and expand cooperation between the Lao and Thai armed forces, contributing to continued development and regional stability. A formal welcome ceremony was held at the Royal Thai Army Headquarters and was presided over by Gen. Ukrit Buntanont, Supreme Commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces. Following the ceremony, both sides held bilateral talks and exchanges. During the meeting, they expressed high appreciation for the progress of their ongoing cooperation, particularly in maintaining peace and order along the Lao-Thai border. The two sides also highlighted effective coordination in information sharing to combat transnational crime and other challenges in border areas. Both delegations reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening good neighborly relations based on mutual respect for independence, sovereignty, and shared benefits. They emphasized that continued cooperation would contribute to peace, stability, and prosperity for the peoples of both nations and the wider region.