On CPIML Liberation
Liberation is one of the most fascinating experiments to emerge out of the Indian Left. The creative application of revolutionary theory along with flexible yet class based practice that at times very prudently resolved questions of identity and social status is something to watch. I'll explain my point with some of the more creative and useful interventions of liberation in Indian Left theory:
Characterisation of Naxalbari: while the Maoists and the CPI/CPM alike, think of Naxalbari mainly as a point of departure in Indian Left theory on the tactical point of revolutionary violence and protracted people's war and the base area theories, CPIML Liberation identified the key factor— the revolutionary character of the landless peasants. Their social location as mainly Dalits and EBCs gives them a unique alliance with the working class in short terms and long term struggles. While keeping chord of the class analysis, liberation was also able to move away from the CPC during its own time of left as well as right deviations.
Experiments at mass fronts: while at once CPIML championed both legal and illegal means of struggle (illegal means are still present at many agrarian struggles), they always opted for mass bolshevism rather than substitution of the masses by the operative 'dasta' (squads). Wether it is the IPF, aicctu, insaf manch or AISA- Vinod Mishra constantly quoted the movemental energy of these organisations apart from the static traditional practice of cpi/cpm. The core of these mass frants remained the churning of social contradictions rather than empty membership and committee making hassles and electoral gimmicks.
Caste question— "land, wage and dignity" this slogan was in effect and remains in Bihar, eastern UP, punjab, Bengal, Karbi Anglong and places where ML holds an agrarian base. The militant land acquisitions have been accompanied by various symbolic and social movements such as even janeu wearing sabhas by Dalits that broke the hierarchical meaning of janeu. struggles against practices where dalit women were forced to sleep with landlord on the first night of their marriage. Struggles for gun licenses for Dalits.
Shedding away anarchism and blind following of mystical 'chinese path' : liberation moved away from the early adventurism and over excitement over the 'chinese path' of revolution and withdrew pointless slogans such as 'china's chairman is our chairman'. While continuing to criticise dengist reforms and the capitalist turn in china, liberation also identified the excesses by Mao in his later life. All this, while uphold Mao Zedong Thought, his contributions to the theory of contradictions, his concerns on capitalist restoration. third world internationalism and the worker peasant alliance.
Shedding the outdated semi colonial semi feudal thesis: while the cpm condemns the thesis simply as a copy of china, there is much nuance to it. writings of Nagbhushan patnaik make it abundantly clear that the concepts were correctly transposed to the Indian context. however, as late as 2013, when neoliberal capitalist and corporate project of takeover of agriculture were in move, liberation identified that the thesis needs changing. they moved to thesis of backward capitalism, comprador bourgeoisie and crisis of agrarian transition through corporate and landlord path. Maoists opportunistically hold on to semi colonial semi feudal thesis because they have nowhere else to go, from their underground nature to their heavy financial dealing with land and sand mafias, they are practically stuck, so they stick theoretically as well.
parliamentary struggles, not parliamentary cretinism: while contesting elections, the party has not shed it's revolutionary character. one can see it how it has been the only party to openly oppose ews reservation, the operation sindoor and now got in movement for the UGC regulations. there is a smart an nueanced understanding of social contradictions and their rupture points. and no compromise is made based on voting and funding calculation.
anti fascism: while being in the broad non fascist alliance, independent assertion and movement against even the bourgeoisie has not stopped. cpiml became the sole champion of ugc movement in UP and Bihar (along with maybe Chandrashekhar Ravan). while cpm avoid these alliances and risks bjp takeover because if it doesn't contest all seats, how will it survive? cpiml while asserting itself always keeps the seats on the backstage and aims to fight rss on ground. the number of seats and this alliance becomes the reason why cpm doens't recognise fascism as of yet.
tired so that's it.