u/BlackRedDemos

Πολλές από τις ελευθερίες, τα δικαιώματα και τις κατακτήσεις, τα οποία απολαμβάνουν σήμερα τα άτομα, δεν προήλθαν, όπως συχνά υποστηρίζεται, από τις φιλελεύθερες δημοκρατίες και τον καπιταλισμό, αλλά εξαιτίας τον αγώνα λαϊκών και δημοκρατικών κινημάτων, τα οποία ήρθαν σε κόντρα με τα προαναφερόμενα συστήματα.

Η εξέγερση του Σικάγου οδήγησε στον τερματισμό του 12ώρου. Η αναγνώριση του δικαιώματος των εργατών, για να διαπραγματεύονται συλλογικά, μέσα από συνδικαλισμό, επεκτάθηκε μέσα από τη μάχη του Blair mountain. Η κατάργηση της δουλείας χρειάστηκε έναν εμφύλιο. Το τέλος της αποικιοκρατίας ήρθε μέσα από εθνικοαπελευθερωτικά κινήματα κατά των μεγάλων δυνάμεων της λεγόμενης Δύσης. Η ψήφος των γυναικών το ίδιο, Μάιος 68 για την εκπαίδευση κ.τ.λ.

Το σύστημα έχει την μορφή που έχει σήμερα, όχι από το καλό της καρδιάς του, ούτε επειδή είναι έτσι σε default κατάσταση, αλλά επειδή κόσμος ήρθε δε σύγκρουση μαζί του και αυτές οι συγκρούσεις άφησαν κάποια ιστορικά υπολείμματα, ακόμη και σε περιπτώσεις που τα εργατικά και δημοκρατικά κινήματα έχασαν.

Θα ήταν λάθος να ταυτίσει κανείς τις παροντικές κατακτήσεις με τη φιλελεύθερη δημοκρατία και τον καπιταλισμό, πως αυτοί οι θεσμοί είναι η κινητήρια δύναμη τους , μόνο και μόνο γιατί οι αλλαγές αυτές συνέβησαν χωροχρονικά μέσα στα πλαίσια τους, όπως θα ήταν λάθος να κάναμε την ανάλογη ταύτιση μεταξύ της σταδιακής κατάργησης της δουλοπαροικίας και μεταξύ της φεουδαρχίας.

Christianity, through religion and education, modified or even reversed some important values of the Roman Empire, such as the obsession with power, social status, domination, etc.

Because of its dominance, the prevailing mindset shifted toward the idea that “the first of this world shall become last.” Christians of that era placed emphasis on orphans, the sick, and the weak, and created a kind of “welfare state” for them.

Nietzsche observed this transformation, and it was one of the reasons he disliked Christianity, because it marginalized master morality in order to make room for slave morality.

In fact, in the Antichrist, he characterizes socialism and anarchism as the secular descendants of Christianity, arguing that all three systems promote similar core values. He accuses them of expressing the envy and resentment of the masses toward the success of the exceptional few.

Christianity changed the value system of the Roman Empire, but only at the educational, religious, and interpersonal level. These changes did not reach the level of institutions or political organization. As a result, the Church inherited the centralized and hierarchical Roman administrative mechanism, which transformed it, in terms of material organization, into a new center of power, also oppressive and structured around its own interests.

The secularized form of Christianity flourished in modernity, but the historical vessels of this philosophy, the countries of actually existing socialism, also turned into centers of power: centralized, hierarchical, and oppressive, based on the logic that only in this way could they realistically defeat the bourgeois, hierarchical, and likewise oppressive world.

For this reason, change must be reflected both at the level of perception and at the level of institutions. People who hold this perspective must form political bodies, which in turn will further reinforce the reproduction and dominance of such people.

Christianity, through religion and education, modified or even reversed some important values of the Roman Empire, such as the obsession with power, social status, domination, etc.

Because of its dominance, the prevailing mindset shifted toward the idea that “the first of this world shall become last.” Christians of that era placed emphasis on orphans, the sick, and the weak, and created a kind of “welfare state” for them.

Nietzsche observed this transformation, and it was one of the reasons he disliked Christianity, because it marginalized master morality in order to make room for slave morality.

In fact, in the Antichrist, he characterizes socialism and anarchism as the secular descendants of Christianity, arguing that all three systems promote similar core values. He accuses them of expressing the envy and resentment of the masses toward the success of the exceptional few.

Christianity changed the value system of the Roman Empire, but only at the educational, religious, and interpersonal level. These changes did not reach the level of institutions or political organization. As a result, the Church inherited the centralized and hierarchical Roman administrative mechanism, which transformed it, in terms of material organization, into a new center of power, also oppressive and structured around its own interests.

The secularized form of Christianity flourished in modernity, but the historical vessels of this philosophy, the countries of actually existing socialism, also turned into centers of power: centralized, hierarchical, and oppressive, based on the logic that only in this way could they realistically defeat the bourgeois, hierarchical, and likewise oppressive world.

For this reason, change must be reflected both at the level of perception and at the level of institutions. People who hold this perspective must form political bodies, which in turn will further reinforce the reproduction and dominance of such people.